Article 370: The Part Larger Than the Whole

20 minute read

When rulers of the Princely States signed the Instrument of Accession, they surrendered legislative, judicial and executive control of three subjects – Defence, Communication, External Affairs and Ancillaries. In effect this meant the Princely States would have the right to decide upon policies, implementation and administration with regard to other issues, through such arrangements as they deemed fit. One such arrangement would have been for the rulers to frame constitutions for their erstwhile kingdoms; state constitutions, which would have given their arrangements a modern, legal framework.

But Sardar Patel, in the course of integrating all princely states into the Indian Union, persuaded the rulers of Princely States to accept the Indian Constitution in toto and integrate completely into the Indian Union, assuring them that not only would there be no minimising of their royal stature and privileges, but that they could and indeed they should send their representatives to the Constituent Assembly and participate actively in the drafting of the Indian Constitution. Sardar Patel had to repeatedly reassure the Princely States after Gandhi adopted a dismissive and even contemptuous attitude towards the rulers of the Princely States who met Gandhi[1] to know his mind about the future status of kings and their kingdoms in the event of political independence from the British. Gandhi disparagingly called rulers of Princely States “slaves” and the people of the States “slaves of slaves”; he also termed the rulers “servants” of their people. Far from reassuring them, Gandhi made his intent known publicly in one of his prayer meetings that he was quite prepared to hand over all Princely States to the Muslim League under certain conditions.[2] Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer, Dewan of Travancore, called Gandhi’s bizarre offer to hand over even Hindu Princely States to the Muslim League a “very astute and menacing move”. C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer resigned from the Viceroy’s Executive Council, took his gloves off to arouse the States “definitely and publicly to a sense of impending danger.” In a move which only worsened the already poor relations of the Princely States with the Indian National Congress, Gandhi appointed Nehru (and not Sardar Patel or any Hindu leader from the INC) to choose with the Nawab of Bhopal who had been elected Chancellor of the Chamber of Princes, 92 representatives from among more than five hundred Princely States to the Constituent Assembly, the majority of whom were Hindu.

Deeply concerned by the negative bent of mind of both Gandhi and Nehru, the Hindu Princely States decided not to participate in the Constituent Assembly and not to send any representative. But Gandhi’s assassination in January 1948 gave Patel the space and the freedom to reach out to the Princely States again with respect and reassurances. The rulers of the Princely States were assured by Sardar Patel that the Constitution would provide for all their concerns and guarantee equal rights to all regions and all peoples. The Princely States acceding to India thus accepted the Indian Constitution totally; except the state of Jammu and Kashmir. That was Nehru’s personal fiefdom and Patel was kept away by a determined Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah from dealing with that state or having any say in determining the course of events which rocked the kingdom in 1945-47.

A brief glance at the history of Jammu and Kashmir at the turn of the century leading up to Sheikh Abdullah and the Indian National Congress forcing first Prime Minister Pandit Ramchandra Kak on August 11, 1947 and then Maharaja Hari Singh to step down in October 1947 and thereafter Abdullah negotiating individually with Nehru over future administration of the state, will throw light on the imponderables that caused Article 370 to be included in the Indian Constitution.

The history behind Article 370

Hindu nationalists are convinced that the only way to render justice to Kashmiri Pandits, Jammu and Ladakh which have been victims of the Abdullah/Mufti clans, is to trifurcate/quadrificate the state of Jammu & Kashmir into Jammu, Ladakh, the Kashmir valley and a homeland for the persecuted and displaced Kashmiri Pandits, carved out from the valley itself. Persistent demands for such a division of Jammu & Kashmir still ignites jiahdi fires in the Kashmir valley. Trifurcating the state means Hindu-majority Jammu will be fully integrated with the Indian Union without the provision of the separatist Article 370; Ladakh will be made into a Union Territory while the Kashmir valley alone or what is left of it after a separate homeland has been carved out for Kashmiri Pandits, can retain Article 370 and its illusory privileges within the Indian Union.

Kashmiri Muslims suffer panic attacks every time demands for division of the state are made by people of Jammu, by Kashmiri Pandits and by Hindu nationalists. They declare that such a division would deal a mortal blow to secularism. Implied is the proposition that it is a victory for secularism that the Muslim majority state of Jammu & Kashmir chooses and continues to be a part of the Indian Union. And as for secularism, the J&K state has rejected, from behind the fig-leaf of Article 370, that part of the 42nd amendment to the Indian Constitution by which certain core changes were made to the Preamble which now includes the words ‘ socialist secular’ and ‘unity and integrity’.

The J&K state has steadfastly refused to recognize, uphold and defend the ‘socialist, secular’ and ‘integrity’ parts of the Preamble of the Indian Constitution. That this does not apply to the state of J&K has been stated in the Restatement of the Constitution (Application to J&K) order, 1954, which is Appendix II of some publications of the Indian Constitution.

Beginning with the Preamble of the Constitution, Article 370 has defined the jurisdiction of the Indian Constitution in J&K. Let us quickly take a look at some of the more important laws that apply and those that do not apply to the state of J&K. This will help us to better understand the implications and the utter futility of granting any ‘greater autonomy’ to the state or to even consider a return to the pre-1953 status.

The malignant tumor called Article 370

Article 370 has two faces – one deceptively benign and the other unabashedly malignant. It is a legal paradox which both integrates and divides the state from the rest of India. Like Sardar Patel said, it is a mechanism by which the President of India can issue special Orders which extend several Indian constitutional provisions that prevail in the rest of the country, to the state of J&K too. Under Article 370, the President, through the Constitution (Application to J&K) Orders of 1950, 1954 and several times thereafter up until 1994 has so far brought the state of J&K under the purview of 205 national Acts and laws. These include several important laws concerning Labour, Customs, Excise and other Taxes, The Negotiable Instruments Act, The Census Act, The Reserve Bank of India Act, The Imports and Exports (control) Act, The Banking Companies Act, The Finance Commission (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, The Representation of People Act, The Companies Act, and Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substance Act. This is the Dr. Jekyll face of Article 370.

While on the one hand Article 370 has enabled the extension of several laws to prevail in J&K, it has also kept the Indian Constitution from being implemented in toto. The Mr. Hyde face of Article 370 states that Parliament may make laws for that state only in consultation with or concurrence of the state government. There are several parts of the Indian Constitution which do not apply to the state at all or apply with modifications. A very major section of the chapter on the Fundamental Rights of a citizen, enshrined in our national Constitution, does not apply to the state of J&K. Two very important provisions of our Constitution which deserve attention in this context, and which either do not apply to J&K or apply with modification, are Articles 352 and 360 relating to declaring a state of Emergency in the country as a whole or in any part of the territory of this country.

As per Article 352, if the President of India is convinced that there is an imminent danger to national security either because of external aggression, possibility of war or because of armed rebellion from within the country, he may, upon receiving a written communication from the Union Cabinet, proclaim a state of emergency in the whole country or in any part of the country which is so threatened. But Article 370 has enabled the modification of this Article with respect to J&K in that while the President may declare emergency in the whole country in the event of a war or external aggression, the President may not declare emergency in J&K without the consent of the state government in cases of internal armed rebellion. This means that even when terrorism brings the state to a point of total anarchy or breakdown of law and order, the President cannot declare a state of emergency in J&K without the permission or request of the state government.

As for Article 360 by which the President may declare a financial emergency in the whole or part of this country, it does not apply to the state of J&K at all. Given the runaway corruption in J&K afflicting all areas of governance and administration, and given the lack of political will to deal with it, a state of financial emergency can never be declared by the President even when the state teeters on the brink of a complete economic or financial breakdown. The CBI has no jurisdiction in J&K and neither do the CVC or the Indian Penal Code. Not that alone; The Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 also does not apply to J&K.

If this were not enough, what has escaped media and academic scrutiny is the delimitation of Assembly and Parliamentary constituencies in Jammu and Kashmir. Though the Kashmir valley is spread over only 15.73% of the total expanse of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the population of the valley constitutes 54.93% of the State’s total population. Jammu constitutes 42.89% and Ladakh 2.19% of the total population of the state.

“Of the three regions of the State, Kashmir Valley is the smallest in area, but has the largest population. Area of the Valley is 15,948 km2 compared to 26,293 km2 of the Jammu and 59,146 km2 of the Ladakh region. Density of population in the Valley is high at 432 persons per km2; in Jammu, it is less than half of the Valley at 205 persons per km2; Ladakh accommodates only 46 persons per km2. Incidentally, an area of 1.21-lakh km2 is under adverse occupation; of this, 78 thousand km2 is controlled by Pakistan and about 43 thousand km2 is controlled by China.

[As per Census 2011] the population of the Valley has been growing faster than that of the Jammu region since 1981. During 1961-1981, it was the Jammu region that grew the fastest. During the last decade of 2001-11, Jammu has grown by 21.4 percent, while the population of the Valley has increased by 25.8 percent. The gap is even larger than the previous decade when the population of the Valley expanded by 31.4 percent, while that of the Jammu region grew by less than 27 percent.

This higher rate of growth of the population of the Valley during the last 3 decades is a sore point among the people of Jammu, where there is a widespread feeling that their population is being deliberately undercounted.” (Source: Center for Policy Studies, Chennai)

If there is widespread belief that the population of Jammu is being deliberately undercounted, there is also no knowing of the density of Muslim population in the Kashmir Valley because of nature or because there has been and continues to be an influx of Muslims from other regions, states and from even across the border, from Pakistan, from Bangladesh and now the Rohingyas from Myanmar to maintain the religious demography by any and every means.

The mechanism cleverly devised by Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference Party in 1951 enables Sunni-Muslim majority Kashmir to capture more than half of the total Assembly seats in the state and Lok Sabha seats in the Indian parliament. The National Conference, with the full complicity of Nehru and successive Congress governments has violated every norm set by the Delimitation Act (which had no jurisdiction in J&K then, courtesy Article 370), and carved out 46 Assembly segments in the small Valley as against 41 segments combined for the Jammu and Ladakh regions which are far bigger territorially and roughly 45% of the state’s population; besides, three of the six seats to the Lok Sabha have been cornered by the Valley Muslims alone. Appropriating the major chunk of Assembly segments and Lok Sabha seats has ensured once and for all that not just the Muslims of the state but the Sunni Muslims alone of the Kashmiri valley will have a decisive say in all affairs of the state. This not only violates all democratic norms but is also a violation of the principle of pluralism to which passionate lip service is paid by the secular brigade in the media and academia. But the valley is a Sunni Muslim majority region and even the remnants of Hindus after five centuries of violent and coercive Islam have today been genocided and driven out of their homeland.

Article 32, the pernicious Article 35A and what it means

By far the most offensive and the root cause of all major problems in J&K lies in the modification of Article 35 of the Indian Constitution through the mechanism of Article 370; to Article 35 is added 35A which carries the cancerous cell that has sapped the state of J&K of its vitality and life-force. These changes, like other amendments effected through Article 370, are not a part of the text of the Constitution. Therefore, any reader who does not care to read Appendix II of the Constitution of India will never know that a very pernicious and undemocratic change has been made to Article 35 or that together with 35A they constitute the malignant nature of Article 370. It is because of the changes made to Article 35 and because of Article 35A of the Indian Constitution that Article 370 has to go as well as its roots, the J&K state constitution. This may be the right moment to raise the question whether these major changes and amendments made to the Indian Constitution through Article 370 and which are contained only as Appendix I and II, are even a part of the Indian Constitution. And as such, are these changes constitutional?

Elsewhere, veteran columnist and author Arvind Lavakare writing about Appendix II observes:

“Appendix II shows that it is the product of a thorough study of all the Articles of the Indian Constitution as well as the ten Schedules, which form a crucial part of it. All the 117 “exceptions and modifications” therein protect the interests of the J&K State. And if you are an academic by nature and have the time, please understand and digest that document. You will agree that Appendix II is a giant-sized lollipop to J&K State, which always trumpets its “special status” even if it harms the interest of the rest of the Indian nation, and, therefore, of the entire nation itself.

Its sheer size permits an analysis only of a few listings in this article. But its gist and purpose are simple: pampering of J&K to paint it as being the apple of India’s eye. Tragically, that apple has today become rotten and poisonous. And to think that our Union government gave Rs.1.14  lakh crore in grants to that “apple of the eye” over the sixteen years from 2000, amounting to more than a quarter of the Central funds disbursed to the 11 special category states in that period.

Before doing the limited analysis of Appendix II, there’s the primary question: Appendix of what? Although included in the Constitution of India as published by the Government of India, there is absolutely no reference to Appendix II in the actual Constitution itself. Same is the case with Appendix I. Even the book on our Constitution by P. M. Bakshi, an ex-member of Law Commission of India did not carry Appendix I or Appendix II. (Mehbooba Is Already Enjoying A Rare Azadi – II by Arvind Lavakare,

The modification made to Article 35, the inclusion of Article 35A and the fact that Articles 12 to 15 of the Indian Constitution do not apply to the state of J&K must be taken and read together to understand why the J&K constitution is a perversion of democracy. Democracy’s underlying principle is equality before law. By completely disregarding the fundamental democratic principle of equality, the National Conference, which gave birth to the state constitution with Nehru playing midwife, continues to preside over a feudal political arrangement. The ultimate perversion lies in the fact that there is no judicial redress for the affected people of J&K whose fundamental rights have been violated and who have been denied the basic right to equality. Let us take Articles 35 and 35A apart, piece by piece, to see the perversion clearly.

As per Constitution (Application to J&K) Order of 1971, clause (3) of Article 32 will not apply to the state of J&K. Article 32 specifies the remedies available to every citizen for enforcement of rights conferred by the Constitution and contained in the chapter on Fundamental Rights. Clause (3) of Article 32 says that while any citizen whose fundamental rights have been violated or who has been denied his fundamental rights may approach the Supreme Court for redress and while the Supreme Court shall have the power ‘to issue directions or orders’ for the enforcement of these rights, Parliament too “may by law empower any other court to exercise within its local limits all those powers conferred on the Supreme Court to enforce these rights”. This means not just the Supreme Court alone but any other court in a state or union territory can be empowered by parliament to assume the very same powers as those of the Supreme Court to enforce the fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution.

The chapter on Fundamental Rights in the Indian Constitution lists the constitutional rights to which every Indian citizen is entitled. These rights can be enforced through judicial intervention and parliament has the right to make laws for any part of the country or for the country as a whole to protect and enforce these rights. These rights are inviolable except in situation of a state of Emergency in the country. Article 35 declares that parliament has the right and state legislatures do not have the power to make laws for enforcing these rights, for prescribing punishment for acts declared to be offences under this part and so on. But using the provision of Article 370, the state of J&K has refused to allow Parliament to make laws for the state under clause (3) of Article 16 and clause (3) of Article 32, both of which, besides Articles 33 and 34 are matters mentioned in Article 35A (i) as being areas for which Parliament has the right to make laws.

By refusing to accept the jurisdiction of clause (3) of Article 32, the state of J&K has violated the fundamental rights of a section of the citizens of India residing in J&K, and who do not belong to a category created by the National Conference called ‘permanent residents’. The National Conference may disclaim any responsibility for the creation of this category with the explanation that ‘permanent residents’ is the new name given to the category of residents of J&K previously known as ‘state subjects’ which was created in 1927 when the state was ruled by the Dogras. But this argument is fallacious because while the Maharaja may have had very good reasons for creating this category when the country was under colonial administration, there was no reason for continuing with this classification of the residents in J&K as ‘state subjects’ and non-state subjects’ in independent India governed by the Indian Constitution.

What are the implications of clause (3) of Article 32 not being applicable to J&K?

It means that those citizens of India who are resident in J&K but who are not ‘permanent residents’ as defined by Section 6 of the J&K state constitution, cannot challenge in any court the denial by the state government of the fundamental rights guaranteed to them by the Indian Constitution because the J&K state constitution has its own version of fundamental rights which is not guaranteed to all residents of J&K. Only the ‘permanent residents’ of J&K are so privileged. And those residents of Jammu & Kashmir, who are denied these fundamental rights, cannot approach either the Supreme Court or any local court within J&K for redress because Article 370 has made it impossible for any court to offer redress. The fundamental rights as per the J&K state constitution is discriminatory and there is nothing that any court can do for those who are denied these rights in the state.

And it is this defiance of the basic spirit of the Indian Constitution which has been sanctified and legitimised as Article 35A about which little is known even among members of the legal fraternity. Article 35A is not a part of the official text of the Constitution. Article 35A says:

Saving of laws with respect to permanent residents and their rights.- Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, no existing law in force in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and no law hereafter enacted by the Legislature of the State,-

(a) Defining the classes of persons who are, or shall be permanent residents of the State of Jammu and Kashmir; or

(b) Conferring on such permanent residents any special rights and privileges or imposing upon other persons any restrictions as respects-

(i) Employment under the state government;

(ii) Acquisition of immovable property in the State;

(iii) Settlement in the State; or

(iv) Right to scholarships and such other forms of aid as the State Government may provide, shall be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with or takes away or abridges any rights conferred on the other citizens of India by any provision of this Part.

Readers are urged to note the tone and content of Article 35A. It says the state government has classified its residents as first class and second class citizens; those Indian citizens living in J&K who are categorized as ‘permanent residents’ are first class citizens with special privileges. This perversion has been enshrined in the state constitution and notwithstanding anything contained in the Indian Constitution, no law existing in the state of J&K and no law which may be made in the future with regard to the matters contained in Article 35A, can be rendered void by Parliament or the Supreme Court on the ground that it violates or abridges the rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution to all citizens. What Article 370 is doing is enabling the state constitution to thumb its nose at the Supreme Court and at Parliament, and above all at the Indian Constitution. It is in effect saying that the denial of fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution to that section of Indian citizens in J&K who are not “Permanent Residents” is not justiciable through our courts and cannot be enforced.

The Constituent Assembly chose to project only one side of Article 370 – that which integrated the state with the Indian Constitution. Article 370 derives its evil Dr. Hyde nature from the state constitution. There is no point in demanding abrogation of Article 370 without demanding that the J&K state constitution be rendered null and void too. Article 370 is only the symptom. The malaise is the J&K state constitution which is completely out of line and not in tune with the basic spirit or structure of the Indian Constitution.

As per Article 35A, persons categorized as non-permanent residents of J&K cannot buy immovable property in J&K, are not eligible for employment by the state government, cannot contest or vote in local body or Assembly elections, cannot avail of scholarships and other grants offered by the state government to its state subject residents and above all cannot seek redress in any court, local or national. This then is the reason why there is little or no economic or industrial development in the state. No businessman or industrialist from the rest of India will ever invest a rupee in a state which will not allow him to buy and own property in Jammu & Kashmir.

The State of Jammu and Kashmir depends almost totally on Government of India funds not only to meet Plan expenditure but also non-Plan expenditure. Any investment in industry or economic development comes solely from the GOI. Whatever little indigenous trade or industry existed in the state by way of its orchards, carpets and tourism, have been almost totally destroyed by terrorism and continuing self-pity and apathy compounded by proclivity for parasitism – bleed the rest of India for sustenance and give nothing in return. Considering that the state has neither the financial nor natural resources to exist independently of the rest of India, it is greater integration with India that is called for and not greater autonomy. And this can be achieved, some thinkers believe, only by abrogating Article 370. But that leaves the question of the mechanism by which to integrate the state constitution with the Indian constitution if you abrogate Article 370 but allow the J&K state constitution to remain.

Is it possible to abrogate Article 370?

  1. The first and most obvious course of action would be that which is contained in Article 370 itself: The President of India, by a public notification can declare that the Article ceases to be operative. But here is the catch –the President can issue such a notification only upon the recommendation of the state constituent assembly. But the state constituent assembly has been dissolved and no longer exists. The question then is – can the President issue this notification unilaterally considering that it is not possible to procure the recommendation of a non-existent body? Or should we understand that because the state constituent assembly has been dissolved, the President can never issue such a notification? It is a crying shame that as a nation, we have still not worked through the nuts and bolts of Article 370.
  2. The second option rests on the assumption that the rights and responsibilities of the state constituent assembly have been handed over to the state legislature. In which case, the state legislature can issue the recommendation to the President asking him to issue the notification which will render Article 370 inoperative. But considering the fact that the National Conference has given the Muslim majority valley 46 assembly seats against the 41 allotted to Jammu and Ladakh together, no state legislature dominated by sunny Muslims of the valley will ever seek to abrogate Article 370 under whose dispensation they are the most privileged category of the residents of J&K.
  3. The third option would be to take recourse to Article 368 of the Indian Constitution which empowers Parliament to amend the Constitution and also lays down the procedure to be adopted. One would think that Article 368 empowers Parliament to adopt the procedure laid down in Article 368 and amend the Constitution by abrogating Article 370. But Article 370 itself has enabled through the Constitution (Application to J&K) Order, an amendment of the Constitution in such a way that Article 368 applies to J&K only in a modified manner. Clause (2) of Article 368 says that after the Bill for amending the Constitution is tabled in either house of the Parliament and after it has been passed by a two-thirds majority in both houses of Parliament, the President may give his assent to the Bill seeking amendment to the constitution. But, and here is the catch again, the President’s Order on the applicability of the Indian Constitution to J&K says that as far as J&K is concerned, the President may issue such an assent only as per clause (1) of Article 370 itself which means that the President can issue amendments to the Indian Constitution through his Constitution (Application to J&K) Order, only in consultation with or with the concurrence of the state government. Back to square one. Even Article 368 takes tortuous twists and turns and comes back to Article 370 again.
  4. But the cutest trick lies in the amendment effected to Article 249. Article 249 declares that Parliament is empowered to legislate “in the national interest” even on matters enumerated in the state list. Article 370 has made this Article applicable to J&K with the modification that instead of ‘state list’ the clause should read that Parliament, in the national interest may legislate on that matter “which is not enumerated in the Union List or in the Concurrent List”. Who will read the fine print of Appendix II to understand the ‘puppy chasing its tail’ futility of trying to get rid of Article 370 through the constitutional route? “Any matter not enumerated in the Union List or Concurrent List” indeed! As far as these two lists go, the final position has been stated and adopted by the Restatement of the Constitution (Application to J&K) Orders up until 1994. The only list that remains is the State list and the State List does not apply to J&K at all because unlike the other states in the Indian Union, the state list is co-terminus with the state constitution and therefore residuary powers with regard to J&K lie not with the Center but with the state, rendering the classification ‘State List’ meaningless. So how can Parliament legislate with regard to any matter in the national interest as far as J&K goes, if it should not find place in the Union List or the Concurrent list?

Trying to get rid of Article 370 taking the constitutional path is futile and unproductive. We have created and fattened the grossest aberration whereby the miniscule part is larger than the whole. Article 370 is larger than the Constitution because there seems to be nothing in the Indian Constitution into which Article 370 can be subsumed or by which it can be made to go away. We also have the grossest aberration in that the interest of one state outweighs the collective national interest. Our legal and constitutional experts have not even begun to apply their minds on how to get rid of Article 370. If actions have consequences, inaction too has consequences; sometimes worse.

Hindu nationalists are reviving our recognition of the contribution of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel to the construction of the Union of India; we need now to revive in our dealings with the State of Jammu and Kashmir the prescience and patriotism of Pandit Ramchandra Kak.

(This easy was included in the second edition of Radha Rajan’s Jammu and Kashmir: Dilemma of Accession, Voice of India, 2018)

Footnote: On 5th August 2019 in the Rajya Sabha, and on the 6th August 2019 in the Lok Sabha, the Indian Parliament in effect “revoked” Article 370 by superseding the Presidential Order of 1954 with one of 2019,  fired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s and Home Minister Amit Shah’s nationalism and steely determination to correct a historical wrong. It was that simple but like all things simple, there was meticulous planning preceding the impeccable implementation of the plan.  With no constituent assembly, and no state assembly given President’s rule, the responsibility fell on parliament, and that is how the 1954 Presidential Order was superseded by the 2019 Order.  Masterful. 

(Editor: This summary by Sanjay Dixit also gives a good sequencing of recent events)

[1] Gandhi met with the Deccan Princes in the Library Hall of the Servants of India Society in Pune on July 28, 1946. Among those present were the Rajas of Aundh, Phaltan, Bhor (Senior), Miraj, Jamkhandi and Kurundwad (Senior), Appasaheb Pant and Satwalekar of Aundh, Kore, Sathe and Thomre from Sangli, the Dewan of Bhor and representatives from Budhgaon and Ramdrug. N.C. Kelkar and Shankerrao Deo were also present on the occasion by special invitation. (CWMG Vol. 91, pp 369-70)

[2] Letter to a Muslim, August 8, 1942, CWMG Vol. 83, pp 186-87


One Reply to “Article 370: The Part Larger Than the Whole”

  1. Also worth reading is RAJ, MAHARAJAS AND ME by M.A. Srinivasan, then Diwan of Gwalior who attended the Constituent Assembly. I recall Sir C.P. Ramasamy Iyer visiting Rajaji who was staying at our place in Bangalore, who asked “Can you believe them?” referring to Gandhi and Nehru. Following the reckless talk of Nehru and Gandhi about disbanding the armed forces, the princes feared that India would not be defended if Pakistan chose to attack. This was a fear that Patel and Menon had to overcome in persuading the princes to accede. The military action against Hyderabad restored some credibility, thanks to Patel. The final story of accession is yet to be written.

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